Brexit: Is There A Libertarian Solution?

The descent foreseen after Brexit is as much real as the ascent. Why not seek middle ground?

Reasons for exiting the European Union are just as good as they are interpreted in the light of ‘passive isolationism’ and ‘passive globalism’ as governing ideologies. The moment a keen mind extracts the ill-effects of Brexit, the underlying assumptions behind such a protectionist move raises difficult scenarios. Is it wiser to process the separation based on a voting method that considers just ‘one vote over one half’ as majority?

Brexit could mean variable impacts that are too lofty to face, one of which is the uncertain fate of the 2 million EU workers who fit well in the low unemployment UK environment. Will Theresa May enforce a ruling that discourages EU nationals to flood the UK? What the return of 2 million employees back home would mean, for the already struggling EU, is repetitively disturbing. May’s efforts of enhancing employment prospects for UK nationals at the expense of rising uncertainty for non-UK/EU nationals could affect EU workers who, until now, have been enriching UK’s society and businesses. Including Germany, UK is the second more important limb of the EU, and Brexit would mean cutting off one essential limb. The restrictions on easy movement of capital and manpower that becomes automatic post-Brexit could mean different things to the UK and EU.

Brexit will reverberate for long a ‘crisis of identity’ for the EU, with more protectionist right-wing EU nations headed for elections this year who can use Brexit as an excuse to aggravate their distrust in EU. Discounting the Euro in global markets is a reasonable expectation, for its inability to sustain a single currency market and instead being an alleged contributor to multiple sovereign debt crisis propels its ‘value erosion’.

Brexit will dilute UK’s trade tariff immunity when EU nations reinstate or reciprocate tariff reversal. Consumers would feel the pinch of risen inflation and risen credit interest rates. EU’s own position being slippery, dealing with Brexit and its externalities comes at a time when unfettered immigration and sovereign incapacity to accommodate all migrants is pushing actual growth far behind realistic assumptions. Individual liberty is undermined and bruised in such conditions of geopolitical mismanagement. An individual’s right to liberty, to sustain multiculturalism, to integrate economies, and to be counted in decisions of national importance is ‘legislatively suppressed’. A libertarian seeks individual freedom and its enforcement as ‘determinedly’ as it seeks freedom of resisting unnecessary interference.

Leaving the EU will refrain UK from remaining an essential part of the world’s largest trading bloc, the European Union. Often times, confidence in ‘individual self-sustenance’ makes one ignorant of the benefits of unity and a single force of global reckoning.

Before jumping to an extremist measure of leaving EU, if UK does not assess the profit and loss of alternate options, it renders itself misinformed and ill-reasoned. UK could possibly, if it were allowed, renegotiate its importance in the EU, present concerns that underlies Brexit, and make EU realise that the ‘sum is more than the parts, the parts when treated indiscriminately’. Nations make the EU, which is obliged to serve and contain them and not the reverse. Europe has led its nations to realise a ‘one culture’ sovereignty, which has been disrupted by petty nationalist politics. Transgressing boundaries is what UK is ripe for, but instead it is building a wall. Two substitutes seem within reach; one, to refresh EU’s outdated terms for individual nations that would sustain all possibilities of maximum benefits and minimum harm; and second, to introduce a model which maintains a probation period for Brexit before the dust settles to again glue back to the EU. It is for a reason the European Commission President, Jean-Claude Juncker, believes that UK will one day rejoin the European Union.

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